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Urban
agriculture/community gardening in the Bronx has multiple roles, including
economic, environmental, and cultural. These roles are particularly important
in light of urban sustainability issues and environmental justice concerns.
These concerns include differential access to open space, recreation, and
fresh produce in poorer communities and communities of color, as well as
differential environmental and health impacts of unsustainable practices
on these communities.
Urban agriculture is
a relatively new phenomena in many large and densely settled cities around
the world, including New York City. In much of the historic past, cities
were founded on or in close proximity to the most productive agricultural
lands. These farms in the cities' hinterlands then supplied the cities with
most of the necessary food supplies, but as cities have increased in physical
extent, much of the most productive nearby farmlands have been taken over
by urban sprawl. Therefore, food must travel ever-greater distances to reach
the urban market, making food more costly, and having adverse environmental
ramifications caused by long-haul transportation.
Interest in the potential
of urban agriculture has grown recently. There are huge economic and environmental
costs in bringing food to the cities and hauling away organic wastes. Since
organic wastes are then landfilled rather than reused as fertilizer, rural
farmers are forced to rely on petroleum-based fertilizers, which lack organic
matter and microorganisms, thereby diminishing the soil's long-term fertility.
Urban agriculture is seen as a cost-effective way to feed people and to
treat the wastes now discharged to local environment, reducing pollution
of rivers, estuaries and seas.
Proponents cite historical
trends as evidence of the potential of urban agriculture to achieve sustainability.
For instance, the pre-industrial city was "to a substantial degree
a closed-loop system. The liquid and solid wastes of the city were returned
to the land and served as the prime source of soil building and enrichment
for the production of perishable food for the city...With the industrialization
of the last two centuries came rapid urbanization and the development of
a dichotomous planning concept that created a functional separation between
the 'country' and the 'town,' with the countryside producing food and the
city industrial goods. Urban land use planning and hygiene principles discouraged
urban farming. The development of large-scale waste management systems that
dispose of rather than recycle waste, as well as the change in the composition
of waste from largely organic to increasingly inorganic and toxic waste,
made recycling of waste into farming a complex task.... A 'complete' or
'sustainable' design for a city would be a closed loop, with all the wastes
of one process used as an input of another process. The city would be in
balance with its bioregion and with the biosphere" (United Nations
Development Programme 1996:12-14). Therefore, urban agriculture is seen
as a viable solution to urban food supply and waste disposal problems.
Proponents of urban
agriculture stress the need to link nutrient inputs and outputs in a closed,
coordinated system, and they hold that not only will a substantial increase
in urban agriculture ease global and local food distribution problems, help
use urban waste more efficiently and cost-effectively, reduce pollution,
and improve peoples' diets, but there will be many more localized benefits,
some of which focus less on the practical considerations and more on the
philosophical and spiritual (Sachs 1990).
Such programs also bring
communities together and restore a sense of connection with natural processes
- benefits that are too frequently lost in the asphalt jungle of modern
cities....While in many ways, cities are more environmentally friendly than
other forms of human habitation, they also separate people from nature and
give them the false sense that they exist outside the limits imposed by
nature. Urban agriculture can bring nature back into the cities and help
restore this connection" (Nelson 1996).
New York City's current
community garden system started about 25 years ago as an effort by the City
to maintain interim uses for vacant lots that the City suddenly owned: lots
that had been abandoned, foreclosed on for non-payment of taxes, or formerly
contained buildings which were casualties of landlord arson. These vacant
lots tended to be located primarily in the City's poorer and more heavily
minority and immigrant neighborhoods, reflecting the upheaval caused by
ill-advised urban renewal schemes and "white flight" of the 1960s
and 1970s. The NYC Department of Parks and Recreation (DPR) instituted a
program called Operation Green Thumb, which leased city-owned (usually in-rem)
properties to community groups who would then utilize them as gardens accessible
to the public. Most leases are short term (one or two years), with the understanding
that at any time the City can retake the property either for its own use
(for housing, etc.) or for sale to developers at public auction to bring
funds to the City's coffers.
The City therefore received
considerable benefit from this program, since these abandoned or otherwise
liability-type properties became, in effect, someone else's responsibility,
while retaining the City's ownership and disposition rights over the properties.
The lots, typically in bad shape, and having had often become dumping grounds,
were cleaned up with free (volunteer) community labor, and generally became
assets to the communities they are located in. Anecdotal evidence suggests
that property values of homes near successful community gardens are above
average for the area. Many of the gardens are thriving and long-term, sometimes
multi-generational projects, with fruit trees and labor-intensive landscaping
that required many years to mature and perfect. Community residents with
this much time and effort invested in their gardens are less apt to quietly
submit to the City taking back their gardens for development schemes that
rarely benefit the local community. Common situations include the City requiring
the vacating of the garden in a lower income neighborhood that is beginning
to gentrify, in favor of using the land for housing that would be unaffordable
to most people in the community. Sometimes the gentrification occurs as
a direct response to the beautification programs and community organization
resulting from the garden's existence. It is thus a double injury to the
community: first, losing the garden, and second, suffering the adverse impacts
of gentrification, with the attendant rising rents, higher prices in local
shops, and the demise of many older "mom and pop" type businesses,
which are often owned by local families.
In the instances that
NYC destroys the gardens, it is usually in order to build new housing. Ironically,
most of the neighborhoods where the gardens are located have a considerable
amount of older underutilized housing stock which could be rehabilitated
and made serviceable again, albeit at a lesser profit to the developers.
This strategy would maintain the fabric of the community, maintain the existing
cultural and demographic mix, and recycle still-useful structures, rather
than the wasteful practices involved in new construction and the demolition
of older buildings. For instance, in West Harlem, the 11-year old Project
Harmony Gardens were destroyed in order to build new housing, despite the
fact that the gardens were right next door to several abandoned buildings,
which could have been renovated. NY State Assemblyman Keith Wright denounced
the plan by saying "I know we need housing, but until all of Harlem's
vacant buildings are restored, and all the garbage-strewn vacant lots cleaned
out, I cannot for the life of me understand why you would want to destroy
this program [the Project Harmony Garden]" (Burgher 1996).
The gardens generally
help promote a sense of place, a focus for communities, which often have
little access to safe parks or recreational space within their neighborhoods,
and create a center for community cultural and educational activities. The
Bronx currently has about 175 community gardens administered by Operation
Green Thumb (Weissman 1995), as well as a number of community gardens operated
by non-profit entities, such as the Parks Council, and community gardens
on private property. On average, the Bronx community gardens use about 75%
of their land for growing vegetables, and many gardens supply the farming
families, in addition to others in the neighborhood, with much of their
vegetable requirements for the year (NYC DPR 1997).
New York City's policies
and practices regarding community gardens are in a state of flux and uncertainty,
and have recently taken on a decidedly Draconian tone. This project was
undertaken to provide some geographical facts to help decision-makers regarding
the future of threatened community gardens. Using Geographic Information
Systems (GIS), the locations of community gardens within the Bronx were
mapped. The socio-economic and demographic characteristics of the proximate
populations were ascertained through a GIS analysis, using data at the census
block group level, and compared with the population of the Bronx as a whole.
This is an on-going
project, and various types of information are being explored in relation
to community gardens. Residential property values around established community
gardens will be compared to property values before the gardens were established,
as available. Students and faculty are also examining the locations of other
vacant land resources in close proximity to community gardens under threat
by the City and private developers. Another aspect being investigated is
the location of community gardens in relation to other open space options
for those communities. This page will be updated as the work progresses.
The findings of this
project can be used to assist decision-makers and community-based organizations
in developing realistic and equitable solutions to New York City's vacant
land management and planning process, and in increasing environmental sustainability
with little, if any, outlay of public funds.
Work
on this project was supported (in part) by a grant from The City University
of New York PSC-CUNY Research Award Program. The project was entitled:
"Urban Agriculture / Urban Oases in the 'Concrete Jungle':
The Environmental, Economic, and Cultural Meaning of Community Gardening
in the Bronx"
REFERENCES
Ashman, Linda, Seeds of Change:
Strategies for Food Security for the Inner City, 1993, Southern
California Interfaith Hunger Coalition, Los Angeles, CA
Burgher, Valerie,We Never Promised You a Rose Garden: Harlem Gardeners
Face Off With NYC Housing Over Land, The New York Times,
February 6, 1996
Cornell Cooperative Extension, Urban Horticulture in New York City:
More Vegetables for Less Space - The Working Intensive Garden,
1993, Ithaca, New York
Gordon, David, ed., Green Cities: Ecologically Sound Approaches
to Urban Space, Black Rose Books, Montreal, Canada
Green Guerrillas, Green Guerrillas Resource Sheet on Community Garden
Preservation in New York City, (undated, obtained in March 1997)
Landman, Ruth H., Creating Community in the City: Cooperatives and
Community Gardens in Washington, DC, 1993, Bergin and Garbey,
Westport, CT
Nelson, Toni, Urban Agriculture: Closing the Nutrient Loop,
in World Watch, vol. 9, 1996
New York City Department of Parks and Recreation, Results of Operation
Greenthumb Garden Survey, (internal document), 1997, NYC DPR,
New York City, NY
Sachs, Ignacy, and Silk, Dana, Food and Energy: Strategies for Sustainable
Development, 1990, United Nations University Press, Tokyo, Japan
Smit, Jac, and Nast, Joe, Urban Agriculture for Sustainable Cities:
Using Wastes and Idle Land and Water Bodies as Resources, 1991,
in Environment and Urbanization, v.4 #2
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Urban Agriculture:
Food, Jobs, and Sustainable Cities, 1996, UNDP, New York, NY
von Hassell, Malve, Father Winter and Primavera in a Garden on the
Lower East Side: Urban Community-Based Environmental Efforts, Unpublished
paper presented at the American Anthropological Association Meeting, Washington
DC, November 15-19, 1995.
Warner, Sam Bass, To Dwell is to Garden: Histories and Portraits
of Boston's Community Gardens, Northeastern University Press,
Boston, MA
Weissman, Jane, ed., Tales From the Field: Stories By Greenthumb
Gardeners, 1995, NYC Dept. of Parks and Recreation, New York,
NY
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